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Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

Πολιτικά θέματα εκτός Ελλάδας
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Coudenhove’s first individual publications bore close resemblance to the moral ideals behind the political activity of the Freemasons, which, for the first time, had gained formal legal acceptance in the Austrian republic. His book Ethik und Hyperethik (1922) was reviewed favourably in the Wiener Freimaurer-Zeitung (1/3, 1922), a new organ that had begun operating since the legalization of Freemasonry. By mid-1925, the master of the Viennese lodge, Richard Schlesinger, sent a circular to the masters of the great lodges of the world asking them to support Coudenhove-Kalergi’s political projects.Footnote 55
A number of Coudenhove-Kalergi’s contacts also shared a background in Masonic thought. Coudenhove-Kalergi’s application to join the Viennese Freemasons was supported, among others, by the engineer and social philosopher Josef Popper-Lynkaeus and the legal theorist, and future Schmitt opponent, Hugo Heller.Footnote 56 Although Coudenhove was admitted to the lodge, his notion of propaganda and open publicity of political ideals did not fit comfortably with the historically subtle influence of Masonic thought in Europe. Even though the Freemasons themselves expanded their modes of influencing the public after 1918 by founding a newspaper, Coudenhove’s use of publicity was not welcome. After 1926, Coudenhove had grown disenchanted with the Masons. Nonetheless, he probably owed his positive connection with Masaryk and Beneš – with whom he disagreed on almost all matters of policy, from the debate over the customs union between Austria and Germany in 1931, which he endorsed and they dreaded, to the status of Germans in Czechoslovakia – to their shared Masonic heritage adding to their perspectives a touch of cosmopolitan elitism.
δὸς αὐτοῖς, Κύριε, κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ... κατὰ τὰ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν αὐτῶν δὸς αὐτοῖς, ἀπόδος τὸ ἀνταπόδομα αὐτῶν αὐτοῖς
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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τους Μασονους γιατι τους γραφεις ''Μασωνους''?
ΓΑΛΗ έγραψε: 27 Ιουν 2024, 00:37

Ως αλμυρόγλυκο τόσο όσο, θα το χαρακτήριζα. Δεν είναι μόνον θέμα γεύσης αλλά και μυρωδιάς. Ακριβώς το ίδιο που ισχύει για τη γεύση και μυρωδιά των όρχεων και του σπέρματος. Αν δεν, δεν.
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Έλα ντε
δὸς αὐτοῖς, Κύριε, κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ... κατὰ τὰ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν αὐτῶν δὸς αὐτοῖς, ἀπόδος τὸ ἀνταπόδομα αὐτῶν αὐτοῖς
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Beria έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 00:04 Θα αφήσω εδώ μια ερώτηση και θα περιμένω μια απάντηση.

Μόνο σε μένα φαίνεται περίεργο να δηλώνει κάποιος αντίπαγκοσμιοποιητης και ταυτόχρονα να δηλώνει χριστιανός, της μεγαλύτερης παγκοσμιοποιητικης δύναμης στην Ιστορία ;
Όρεξη έχεις, ε λοιπόν μας άνοιξε τα μάτια το radiogenoa :lol:
ΧΩΡΙΣ ΛΟΓΙΑ
https://twitter.com/RadioGenoa/status/1 ... 1285805512
:e040:
vs
https://twitter.com/RadioGenoa/status/1 ... 8770607279
:8)
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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εχει δικαιο ο Μπερια εδω :102:
"Καλύτερα να φορέσω το κράνος του Κόκκινου Στρατού παρά να φάω χάμπουργκερ στα mc Donald's"

Αλαιν ντε Μπενουα
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Beria έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 00:25 Η ερώτηση είναι ξεκάθαρη.
Ο Καλλέργης έγραψε 'προβλεπω ότι θα υπάρξει ανάμιξη των φυλών και υπάρχει ανάγκη για ευρωπαϊκή ομοσπονδοποίηση ' και έχουν φτιάξει συνομωσιολογια άνευ προηγουμένου.

Και υπάρχει κάποιος που είπε 'Οὐκ ἔνι Ἰουδαῖος οὐδὲ Ἕλλην, οὐκ ἔνι δοῦλος οὐδὲ ἐλεύθερος, οὐκ ἔνι ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ· πάντες γὰρ ὑμεῖς εἷς ἐστε ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. Εἰ δὲ ὑμεῖς Χριστοῦ, ἄρα τοῦ Ἀβραὰμ σπέρμα ἐστὲ καὶ κατ' ἐπαγγελίαν κληρονόμοι'
και δεν πεταριζει βλέφαρο


Aφηναν οι βυζαντινοι Αυτοκρατορες να μπαινουν καθημερινα στην Αυτοκρατορια χιλιαδες Ισλαμιστες μεταναστες και τους εδιναν στεγη και επιδοματα;

.
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Eθνικοκοινωνιστης έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 01:36 εχει δικαιο ο Μπερια εδω :102:
ελα ρε
καθαρά σοφιστεία είναι το ερώτημά του
παει και μπλέκει το θρήσκευμα με την πολιτική της διοίκησης κάτω απο παγκόσμια διακυβέρνηση
άλλο να σου λέει ο χριστιανισμός πίστευε και μη ερεύνα, δεν σε εξαναγκάζω να πιστέψεις όμως και αμα γουστάρεις έχει και ισλάμ κλπ
και άλλο
να έρχεται η σχολή του σικάγο , φρίντμαν ευρωπαϊκή επιτροπή ούρσουλα κλπ και να σου επιβάλλουν με το έτσι θέλω το ότι θα ζήσεις έτσι κι αν σου αρέσει αλλιώς άντε πέθανε

ε μην παίζουμε με τις λέξεις
“Success is not about winning every battle, but about having the strength to keep fighting”?
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Να πουμε πως ο Καλεργκι μπορει να φοβοταν τη Ρωσια και να την εβλεπε ανταγωνιστικα προς την Πανευρωπη...

ΑΛΛΑ καποια σημεια εστω του σοβιετικου συστηματος τα θαυμαζε διαφορετικα δεν δικαιολογειται η παρακατω παραπομπη απο βιβλιο του...

Σημειωτεον οτι ο Τροτσκι που εδω ο Καλεργκι τον γλειφει κανονικοτατα ειχε αναφερθει στις Ηνωμενες Πολιτειες της Ευρωπης που τις ηθελε σοσιαλιστικες...


«Και εδώ ανέρχεται στο συμβολικό επίπεδο, η ένωση μεταξύ του Λένιν, ο άνθρωπος της μικρής αγροτικής αριστοκρατίας, και του Τρότσκι, ο λόγιος εβραίος: εδώ συμφιλιώνεται η αντίθεση μεταξύ του χαρακτήρα και του πνεύματος, του ευγενή και του λόγιου, του χωρικού και του αστού, του ειδωλολάτρη και του χριστιανού, σε μία δημιουργική σύνθεση της επαναστατικής αριστοκρατίας […] Έτσι η δαμόκλειος σπάθη του μπολσεβικικού τρόμου θα καταφέρει πιο γρήγορα να μαλακώσει την καρδιά των πλουτοκρατών και να καταστήσει προσιτές τις κοινωνικές ανάγκες, περισσότερο από ότι έκανε σε δύο χιλιάδες χρόνια το ευαγγέλιο του Χριστού.».

http://theodotus.blogspot.com/2015/10/c ... legri.html

.
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Saturn έγραψε: 30 Αύγ 2024, 23:33 Χρηματοδότες και πολιτικοί υποστηρικτές του έργου του:
In its initial stages, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi’s Paneuropa project was financed wholly from his private sources.Footnote 68 He quickly attracted enough attention to bring in other funding, mostly through elite circles of bankers, industrialists, and aristocrats. These comprised the Czech entrepreneur (and owner of the famous shoe production chain), Tomas Bata; the German industrialists Paul Silverberg, Carl Siemens, Adam Opel, Edmund Stinnes, Richard Gütermann, and Hermann Bücher (of the AEG, the German General Electricity Company); Carl Duisberg (of the Bayer corporation); a group of private German bankers; the Dutch industrialist N.V. Philips; and the Austrian Otto Böhler.Footnote 69 The US-American Carnegie Foundation for Peace, headed by Nicholas Murray Butler – who published a book on Paneuropa six years before Coudenhove’s first publication on the subject – also supported the project.Footnote 70 All of these figures, along with the governments of several European states, donated money in support of Pan-European’s activities.Footnote 71 In the later 1920s, the founders of the summer conference at Pontigny in France and the Mayrisch circle in Colpach, Luxembourg, were among Coudenhove’s social contacts.Footnote 72 These events were occasions for members of the industrial elites, especially of France, Belgium, Luxemburg, Germany, and Austria, to meet and discuss concerns as well as to invite writers and poets for entertainment and what could be described as public relations purposes. Coudenhove played a role as a mediator on these occasions. The nature of his connection with bankers and industrialists can be illustrated by taking a more detailed look at Coudenhove’s relationship with three of them: the Hamburg-based banker Max Warburg, heir to the European branch of the private bank M.M. Warburg & CO; the Stuttgart-based industrialist Robert Bosch; and the Luxemburg-based Emile Mayrisch.

Banker Max Warburg heard about Coudenhove’s enterprise through Baron Louis Rothschild and offered to support the project with 60,000 gold marks. In 1926, Warburg also sponsored the travel costs and royalties for speakers attending the Paneuropa Congress in Vienna.Footnote 73 Warburg was simultaneously financially supporting other similar movements, ranging from Die Deutsche Nation to the Nietzsche Archive, his brother’s Warburg Institute, and a number of other projects, seeking always to maximize his reach and influence. By the end of the 1920s, Warburg’s support for Paneuropa subsided, since, as he put it to Coudenhove, his concern was that the movement was not sufficiently pragmatic.

Bosch’s support came thanks to the mediation of another sponsor of Paneuropa, Richard Heilner (head of a German linoleum company in Wuerttemberg), who in 1927 recommended Coudenhove-Kalergi to Bosch.Footnote 74 Like Warburg, Robert Bosch was also investing in a number of rival political movements, including Karl Anton Rohan’s Kulturbund, but expressly demanded not to be listed as a public supporter. In fact, Bosch, who was a good friend of the British internationalist David Davies, was at first critical of Coudenhove-Kalergi’s exclusion of Britain from his proposed union, but was ultimately convinced and provided a link between Coudenhove-Kalergi and a number of British internationalists of the period. Bosch promised to contribute an annual sum of 2,500 Reichsmarks beginning in 1928, but in fact contributed even more until 1933. In 1930, he encouraged Coudenhove to found the ‘Society for the Promotion of the Paneuropean Cause’ (Pan-Europäische Förderungsgesellschaft) and took a seat on its directorial board. But Bosch withdrew his support immediately when the Nazi government officially blacklisted Paneuropa, significantly undermining Pan-European activities in Germany.

In addition to prominent figures representing individual banks and industry, like Warburg and Bosch, one of Coudenhove’s most successful networking connections was with the founder of the European steel cartel, the Luxemburg industrialist Emile Mayrisch. Mayrisch was the organizer of a series of summer conferences at Colpach, which brought together politicians, industrialists, and intellectuals, especially of German, Austrian, and French origin. He was one of the interwar proponents of the idea that European integration had to begin with a union of German and French interests on the Rhine and founded the German-French Committee of Studies to discuss this form of integration. Coudenhove participated in these meetings, on the one hand as a representative of his own Paneuropa movement, and on the other hand as a representative of Czechoslovakia, whose cause he endorsed internationally by supporting the work of Masaryk and Beneš.

One of Coudenhove’s chief strategies of getting prominent politicians on board was offering them honorary presidencies at Pan-European congresses, which he organized at regular intervals. The most important politicians to back Paneuropa in this way were Tomáš Masaryk, Edvard Beneš, Gustav Stresemann, Aristide Briand, Leo Amery, Zaleski, and Winston Churchill. Like Coudenhove, Beneš, and Masaryk, Zaleski joined the Freemasons during the First World War; he was a lecturer in Polish language and literature in London at the time, and was foreign minister of Poland between 1926 and 1932.Footnote 75
...
In connection with the organization of a Pan-European economic forum in the late 1920s, Coudenhove corresponded with, among other prominent politicians with a background in industry, the French Minister of Labour, Louis Loucheur.Footnote 76 He was put in touch with Loucheur through his friend and Paneuropa supporter, Edvard Beneš.Footnote 77 Beneš wrote a note to the French conservative politician and technocrat Louis Loucheur (1872–1931), then the French finance minister, in which he offered to bring Coudenhove to his first meeting with Loucheur in 1925: ‘Dear Sir, the bearer of this letter is Mr Coudenhove-Kalergi, whose writings on Pan-Europe you surely know. I ask you to give him a favourable welcome and to provide him with the opportunity to lay out his pacifist ideals.’Footnote 78 This encounter then led to a series of meetings Coudenhove encouraged between German industrialists and Loucheur.Footnote 79 In the course of Coudenhove’s correspondence with Loucheur, Coudenhove brought the Luxemburg industrialist Emile Mayrisch (January 1928), Bücher (of the AEG, February 1928), figures from Rhenish industry, Karl von Siemens, the director of the Warburg Bank, Karl Melchior, Caro of the Stickstoffwerke, Richard Heilner of the Linoleum factories, and Count Kanitz, German food minister (May 1928), together in a series of meetings.
The year when Germany joined the League of Nations, 1926, was also fortuitous for the Pan-European union. By 1927, Briand had become the honorary president of the union, and Coudenhove’s activities in this regard contributed significantly to the success of the Young plan, which was effectively a revision of the Versailles treaty, brought about following talks between Briand and Stresemann in 1929. In the spirit of international agreement following Locarno and the Kellogg-Briand pact stabilizing especially German–French relations, symbolized by the constructive policies of Stresemann and Briand, Briand produced a ‘Sketch for a Paneuropean pact’, officially presented in public in May 1930.Footnote 80 Indeed, in 1930, which perhaps was the culmination of Coudenhove’s activities for a Pan-European Union, Briand announced his plan to work on a European Union of twenty-six states based on Coudenhove’s model.Footnote 81 However, most European governments gave this publication a cool reception at best.
...
One of the reasons for Coudenhove’s project coming to a halt around 1931 was that, within a short time span, a number of influential politicians and industrialists who had been supporting Coudenhove had died: Emile Mayrisch died in 1928, Gustav Stresemann in 1929, Louis Loucheur in 1931, and Aristide Briand in 1932.
απίστευτο κείμενο
όλα τα λουλούδια έριξαν το χρήμα τους στον κύριο...
τι λες, αυτό δεν το είχα δει

ΥΓ
ψάχνοντας να βρω το αρχικό κείμενο απ όπου γράφονται αυτά έπεσα πάνω στη βιβλιοθήκη του κέμπριτζ

Part II - The power of prestige
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/eu ... 5FCA64D378

απίθανο...!!!!!!
Τελευταία επεξεργασία από το μέλος βοθρατζης την 31 Αύγ 2024, 05:47, έχει επεξεργασθεί 1 φορά συνολικά.
“Success is not about winning every battle, but about having the strength to keep fighting”?
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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Αρίστος έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 05:37
Σημειωτεον οτι ο Τροτσκι που εδω ο Καλεργκι τον γλειφει κανονικοτατα ειχε αναφερθει στις Ηνωμενες Πολιτειες της Ευρωπης που τις ηθελε σοσιαλιστικες...

αφού η παγκοσμιοποίηση μέσα από το εγχειρίδιο του σβαμπ δεν είναι τίποτε άλλο παρά σκληρός κομουνισμός
όποιος δεν το αντιλαμβάνεται ας ψάξει μέσα στο γκρέιτ ρισέτ το εδάφιο που λέει :

θα δημιουργηθούν απο την οικονομική εξαθλίωση στρατιές λούμπεν που δεν θα έχουν στον ήλιο μοίρα , αυτούς θα τους αντιμετωπίσετε με παραστρατιωτικές ομάδες και τακτικό στρατό
ε τι άλλο να διαβάσει κανείς
“Success is not about winning every battle, but about having the strength to keep fighting”?
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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βοθρατζης έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 05:34
Eθνικοκοινωνιστης έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 01:36 εχει δικαιο ο Μπερια εδω :102:
ελα ρε
καθαρά σοφιστεία είναι το ερώτημά του
παει και μπλέκει το θρήσκευμα με την πολιτική της διοίκησης κάτω απο παγκόσμια διακυβέρνηση
άλλο να σου λέει ο χριστιανισμός πίστευε και μη ερεύνα, δεν σε εξαναγκάζω να πιστέψεις όμως και αμα γουστάρεις έχει και ισλάμ κλπ
και άλλο
να έρχεται η σχολή του σικάγο , φρίντμαν ευρωπαϊκή επιτροπή ούρσουλα κλπ και να σου επιβάλλουν με το έτσι θέλω το ότι θα ζήσεις έτσι κι αν σου αρέσει αλλιώς άντε πέθανε

ε μην παίζουμε με τις λέξεις
:goodpost:
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Re: Το σχέδιο Kalergi και τα συμφέροντα που κρύβονται πίσω από τη μαζική μετανάστευση σε Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη

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βοθρατζης έγραψε: 31 Αύγ 2024, 05:39
Saturn έγραψε: 30 Αύγ 2024, 23:33 Χρηματοδότες και πολιτικοί υποστηρικτές του έργου του:
In its initial stages, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi’s Paneuropa project was financed wholly from his private sources.Footnote 68 He quickly attracted enough attention to bring in other funding, mostly through elite circles of bankers, industrialists, and aristocrats. These comprised the Czech entrepreneur (and owner of the famous shoe production chain), Tomas Bata; the German industrialists Paul Silverberg, Carl Siemens, Adam Opel, Edmund Stinnes, Richard Gütermann, and Hermann Bücher (of the AEG, the German General Electricity Company); Carl Duisberg (of the Bayer corporation); a group of private German bankers; the Dutch industrialist N.V. Philips; and the Austrian Otto Böhler.Footnote 69 The US-American Carnegie Foundation for Peace, headed by Nicholas Murray Butler – who published a book on Paneuropa six years before Coudenhove’s first publication on the subject – also supported the project.Footnote 70 All of these figures, along with the governments of several European states, donated money in support of Pan-European’s activities.Footnote 71 In the later 1920s, the founders of the summer conference at Pontigny in France and the Mayrisch circle in Colpach, Luxembourg, were among Coudenhove’s social contacts.Footnote 72 These events were occasions for members of the industrial elites, especially of France, Belgium, Luxemburg, Germany, and Austria, to meet and discuss concerns as well as to invite writers and poets for entertainment and what could be described as public relations purposes. Coudenhove played a role as a mediator on these occasions. The nature of his connection with bankers and industrialists can be illustrated by taking a more detailed look at Coudenhove’s relationship with three of them: the Hamburg-based banker Max Warburg, heir to the European branch of the private bank M.M. Warburg & CO; the Stuttgart-based industrialist Robert Bosch; and the Luxemburg-based Emile Mayrisch.

Banker Max Warburg heard about Coudenhove’s enterprise through Baron Louis Rothschild and offered to support the project with 60,000 gold marks. In 1926, Warburg also sponsored the travel costs and royalties for speakers attending the Paneuropa Congress in Vienna.Footnote 73 Warburg was simultaneously financially supporting other similar movements, ranging from Die Deutsche Nation to the Nietzsche Archive, his brother’s Warburg Institute, and a number of other projects, seeking always to maximize his reach and influence. By the end of the 1920s, Warburg’s support for Paneuropa subsided, since, as he put it to Coudenhove, his concern was that the movement was not sufficiently pragmatic.

Bosch’s support came thanks to the mediation of another sponsor of Paneuropa, Richard Heilner (head of a German linoleum company in Wuerttemberg), who in 1927 recommended Coudenhove-Kalergi to Bosch.Footnote 74 Like Warburg, Robert Bosch was also investing in a number of rival political movements, including Karl Anton Rohan’s Kulturbund, but expressly demanded not to be listed as a public supporter. In fact, Bosch, who was a good friend of the British internationalist David Davies, was at first critical of Coudenhove-Kalergi’s exclusion of Britain from his proposed union, but was ultimately convinced and provided a link between Coudenhove-Kalergi and a number of British internationalists of the period. Bosch promised to contribute an annual sum of 2,500 Reichsmarks beginning in 1928, but in fact contributed even more until 1933. In 1930, he encouraged Coudenhove to found the ‘Society for the Promotion of the Paneuropean Cause’ (Pan-Europäische Förderungsgesellschaft) and took a seat on its directorial board. But Bosch withdrew his support immediately when the Nazi government officially blacklisted Paneuropa, significantly undermining Pan-European activities in Germany.

In addition to prominent figures representing individual banks and industry, like Warburg and Bosch, one of Coudenhove’s most successful networking connections was with the founder of the European steel cartel, the Luxemburg industrialist Emile Mayrisch. Mayrisch was the organizer of a series of summer conferences at Colpach, which brought together politicians, industrialists, and intellectuals, especially of German, Austrian, and French origin. He was one of the interwar proponents of the idea that European integration had to begin with a union of German and French interests on the Rhine and founded the German-French Committee of Studies to discuss this form of integration. Coudenhove participated in these meetings, on the one hand as a representative of his own Paneuropa movement, and on the other hand as a representative of Czechoslovakia, whose cause he endorsed internationally by supporting the work of Masaryk and Beneš.

One of Coudenhove’s chief strategies of getting prominent politicians on board was offering them honorary presidencies at Pan-European congresses, which he organized at regular intervals. The most important politicians to back Paneuropa in this way were Tomáš Masaryk, Edvard Beneš, Gustav Stresemann, Aristide Briand, Leo Amery, Zaleski, and Winston Churchill. Like Coudenhove, Beneš, and Masaryk, Zaleski joined the Freemasons during the First World War; he was a lecturer in Polish language and literature in London at the time, and was foreign minister of Poland between 1926 and 1932.Footnote 75
...
In connection with the organization of a Pan-European economic forum in the late 1920s, Coudenhove corresponded with, among other prominent politicians with a background in industry, the French Minister of Labour, Louis Loucheur.Footnote 76 He was put in touch with Loucheur through his friend and Paneuropa supporter, Edvard Beneš.Footnote 77 Beneš wrote a note to the French conservative politician and technocrat Louis Loucheur (1872–1931), then the French finance minister, in which he offered to bring Coudenhove to his first meeting with Loucheur in 1925: ‘Dear Sir, the bearer of this letter is Mr Coudenhove-Kalergi, whose writings on Pan-Europe you surely know. I ask you to give him a favourable welcome and to provide him with the opportunity to lay out his pacifist ideals.’Footnote 78 This encounter then led to a series of meetings Coudenhove encouraged between German industrialists and Loucheur.Footnote 79 In the course of Coudenhove’s correspondence with Loucheur, Coudenhove brought the Luxemburg industrialist Emile Mayrisch (January 1928), Bücher (of the AEG, February 1928), figures from Rhenish industry, Karl von Siemens, the director of the Warburg Bank, Karl Melchior, Caro of the Stickstoffwerke, Richard Heilner of the Linoleum factories, and Count Kanitz, German food minister (May 1928), together in a series of meetings.
The year when Germany joined the League of Nations, 1926, was also fortuitous for the Pan-European union. By 1927, Briand had become the honorary president of the union, and Coudenhove’s activities in this regard contributed significantly to the success of the Young plan, which was effectively a revision of the Versailles treaty, brought about following talks between Briand and Stresemann in 1929. In the spirit of international agreement following Locarno and the Kellogg-Briand pact stabilizing especially German–French relations, symbolized by the constructive policies of Stresemann and Briand, Briand produced a ‘Sketch for a Paneuropean pact’, officially presented in public in May 1930.Footnote 80 Indeed, in 1930, which perhaps was the culmination of Coudenhove’s activities for a Pan-European Union, Briand announced his plan to work on a European Union of twenty-six states based on Coudenhove’s model.Footnote 81 However, most European governments gave this publication a cool reception at best.
...
One of the reasons for Coudenhove’s project coming to a halt around 1931 was that, within a short time span, a number of influential politicians and industrialists who had been supporting Coudenhove had died: Emile Mayrisch died in 1928, Gustav Stresemann in 1929, Louis Loucheur in 1931, and Aristide Briand in 1932.
απίστευτο κείμενο
όλα τα λουλούδια έριξαν το χρήμα τους στον κύριο...
τι λες, αυτό δεν το είχα δει

ΥΓ
ψάχνοντας να βρω το αρχικό κείμενο απ όπου γράφονται αυτά έπεσα πάνω στη βιβλιοθήκη του κέμπριτζ

Part II - The power of prestige
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/eu ... 5FCA64D378

απίθανο...!!!!!!


Θυμιζω οτι ο Μπερια υποστηριξε πως ειναι παπαντζες των Ναζι οτι οι Ελιτ υποστηριξαν τον Καλεργκι και τις ιδεες του.

Και μας εβριζε κιολας σαν Ναζι, μετα το εκανε altright σουργελα.

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